Having lived several thousand years in the area of modern
Finland, the Sámi people have had a significant impact on the
image and culture of Finland, especially that of Finnish
Lapland. Over many centuries this relatively small people have
retained their culture and identity in the pressure of more
numerous peoples, such as the Finns in Finland. The different
interests and ways of life of the nomadic Sámi and other peoples
in their living area have often caused disharmony, mostly at the
Sámi people's expense, which is still visible in unsolved
matters regarding the Sámi's status and rights, including their
land rights. This paper discusses the following questions: Who
are the Sámi people? What kind of status and rights do they
have? What are the different aspects of the Sámi identity in
today's Finland?
Who Are the Sámi People and Where Do They Live?
The Sámi people are an ethnic minority in the Nordic Countries and Russia,
and the only indigenous people in the Nordic Countries. Linguistically
they belong to the Uralic language family, specifically to the group
of Finno-Ugric languages (Nickul 9). They are a people defined by their
language and culture; they do not form their own race (Pentikäinen 73).
Previously, the dominant view of Sámi origins was based on a 'theory of
migration', according to which the main ancestors of the Finno-Ugrian
people migrated from the Volga area approximately in the second millennium
BC, reaching the Finnish peninsula as two distinct peoples: Finns and
Sámi. According to the present 'theory of continuity', Finno-Ugrians had
settled in the area by approximately six thousand years ago at the latest.
Finns and Sámi were not yet separate ethnic groups, but divided later on
due to changes in their respective livelihoods (V. Lehtola, The Sámi
People 20).
The Sámi are not a single unit, but comprise different groups mainly
defined by their languages and traditional means of livelihood. Especially
in the older times it was reasonable to divide the Sámi into five groups
according to their main livelihoods: Forest Sámi, Reindeer Sámi, Sea Sámi,
Lake Sámi and River Sámi, because these landscape types marked the diverse
Sámi groups (Nickul 5). However, Sámi scholar Veli-Pekka Lehtola
points out that some of the old divisions have become outdated as
circumstances for livelihood have
changed (The Sámi People 10).
The Sápmi Area, extending across
Russia, Finland, Sweden, and Norway
Image source:
Atlas of
Sápmi
|
The Sámi people live in four countries: Russia, Finland, Sweden and
Norway. Determining the exact number of the Sámi is difficult, as the
criteria for who is considered Sámi vary between the countries
(Pentikäinen 79). According to the Finnish Ministry of Social Affairs and
Health, there are over 75,000 Sámi in total, and 7000 in Finland, of
whom 4083 live in the Sápmi area, which in Finland consists
of the municipalities of Enontekiö, Inari, Utsjoki and the northern parts
of the municipality of Sodankylä. The rest live in other parts of Finland
(2829) and abroad (590).
These figures are according to the Sámediggi, The
Sámi Parliament, which counts as Sámi those who consider themselves Sámi,
providing that they or at least one of their parents, grandparents, or
grand-grandparents have learned a Sámi language as their mother tongue. If
counted according to the criteria used by Population Register Centre, on
the contrary, the number is reduced considerably, as the Centre considers
as Sámi only those who have reported a Sámi language as their mother
tongue. The official figures are, however, those of the Sámediggi
(Saamelaiset).
1
Sámi Status and Rights
According to the Finnish Constitution (731/1999), the Sámi as an
indigenous people have the right to maintain and develop their language
and culture. 'Culture' covers artistic and other cultural activity as well
as traditions, identity and way of life. Despite these constitution
regulations, however, some problematic questions of the land rights of the
Sámi remain unsolved (Scheinin 39).
Land Rights
In official parlance, the forefathers of the Sámi are traditionally
referred to as 'Lapps'. 'Lapp' was formerly used to refer to individuals
who practised as their primary occupation reindeer management, fishing, or
hunting in an area that was in their occupancy and for which they paid
taxes to the state (Tirronen 17). Reindeer have been everything for the
Sámi culture. They have provided a means of conveyance, food and material
for clothes and knick-knacks. Reindeer have also defined their owner's
status within the Sámi society (T. Lehtola 43). In Sweden and Norway,
being Sámi has traditionally been connected to reindeer management,
fishing and hunting and the exclusive right to practice these livelihoods
within the Sapmi area, but in Finland the situation is different. These
rights do not belong solely to the Sámi, but to all permanent inhabitants
of Sápmi (Tirronen 18).
According to Mikko Joronen and Annamari Salonen, Sámi cultural rights
cannot be distinguished from land rights. A dispute between the Sámi and
the Finnish Government concerning Sámi land rights has for a long time
complicated securing their traditional means of livelihood. Finland has
not ratified the ILO Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention No.
169. The objective of this convention is to prevent states from
assimilating indigenous and tribal peoples and to promote the survival of
the cultures and languages of said peoples. An example of the dispute is
the logging that was started in the year 2005 in the municipality of Inari
by Metsähallitus, a state enterprise that administers state-owned land and
water areas. The logging took place in a winter grazing area important for
reindeer management. The UN Human Rights Council forbade continuing the
logging in the area later the same year (Joronen and Salonen 47).
Language Rights
Language is seen as one of the most significant Sámi cultural features.
There are ten Sámi languages in total, divided into Eastern and Western
groups. The Sámi languages spoken in Finland are North Sámi, Aanaar Sámi
and Skolt Sámi, of which North Sámi is the most common with 2000 speakers.
Aanaar Sámi and Skolt Sámi have 300 to 500 speakers each (V. Lehtola, The
Sámi People 11). North Sámi belongs to the Western group, while Aanaar and
Skolt Sámi belong to the Eastern group. All three have their own
orthography and standards, and the speakers do not understand each other
without learning the language in question as a foreign language. Due to
the pressure caused by the dominance of the Finnish language, today only
about half of the Sámi in Finland speak some Sámi language as their mother
tongue, but speak Finnish instead (Saamen).
Since 1992, the Sámi languages have had an official status in the
Finnish part of Sápmi, meaning that the Sámi have the right to get service
in their own language in official institutions and hospitals. Some schools
in Utsjoki and Inari have North Sámi as the main language of instruction,
and today matriculation exams can be taken in North Sámi. An Aanaar Sámi
association, Anarâskielâ servi, is working on reviving Aanaar Sámi
with a language nest: children learning Aanaar Sámi in day-care (Saamen).
The association publishes the member's magazine Anarâs, grants awards to
Aanaar Sámi language students, arranges events and festivities, and
comments on current matters (Anarâs).
The Sámi language rights include the right to have public media
services in the Sámi language. In spite of that, the only radio station of
Yleisradio, Finland's national broadcasting company, that offers news and
programmes in Sámi is Sámi Radio. It is on the air 8 hours a day in all
three Sámi languages in Northern Finland. News in Sámi is broadcast on
television, although before digitalization only in the northern part of
Lapland. With the radio, Joronen and Salonen find this area limit a
concrete problem, as half of Finland's Sámi live outside Sápmi at present
(Joronen and Salonen 58).2
Sámediggi: The Official Face of the Sámi
Sámediggi is the representative self-government body of the Sámi, founded
in 1996 to plan and implement the cultural self-government guaranteed to
the Sámi as an indigenous people (The Sámi Parliament). Sweden and Norway
both have their own Sámediggi. Finnish Sámi were pioneers in the matter,
founding Sámi Parlamenta, The Sámi Delegation, which operated
1973-1995 as a predecessor of the Sámediggi. Nowadays the Sámediggi has
the power to decide on the distribution of funds to support cultural
programmes, previously decided by the Finnish Ministry of Education.
Responsibilities of the Sámediggi also include social and health services
(V. Lehtola, The Sámi People 80).
Although the Sámediggi functions under the administrative sector of the
Finnish Ministry of Justice, it is an independent legal entity of public
law, not a state authority or part of the public administration. The
Sámediggi can make initiatives, proposals and statements to the
authorities. Every four years, 21 members and 4 deputies are elected from
among the Sámi. As a representative body, the Sámediggi expresses an
official view of the Sámi in Finland on the issues concerning them. The
main organs of the Sámediggi are The Plenum, a full-time chair, and an
Executive Board. For preparing issues, the Sámediggi appoints committees
(The Sámi Parliament).
Sámi Identity
An individual's identity is not static, but dynamic. It is attained and
maintained by constant self-definition and self-estimation. Composing
one's identity includes synthesis between oneself and others. From the
point of view of an individual, identity expresses one's ego, which is
attained through social development. Ethnic identity is a part of social
identity, stressing language, culture and worldview as the true
manifestation of identity (Pentikäinen 22).
Self-identification always has an important role for indigenous people
as well as other minorities (Scheinin 59). Formerly being Sámi was often
seen more or less as a negative identity, but lately the improved Sámi
status has had influence on the experience of Sámi identity. One example
of this is the fact that many of those who in previous decades did not
consider themselves Sámi now want to belong to the Sámi register
(Tuulentie 51).
The Terms 'Sámi' and 'Lapp': Inner and Outer Identity
According to Pentikäinen, formerly the Sámi were mostly referred to as
'Lapps', but along with the increased political and ethnic consciousness
among the Finns and the Sámi the term has been replaced with 'Sámi', the
word which the Sámi use for themselves. The Sámi see the term 'Lapp' as
strange, a designation given by the dominant western culture to its
minority. Pentikäinen states that the term 'Sámi' defines substantially an
'inner identity', meaning that individuals see themselves belonging to a
group the members of which have an emotional bond (Pentikäinen 21-22).
Moreover, the term 'Lapp' is subject to confusion and ambiguity. Even
though 'Lapp' and 'Sámi' have generally been considered as synonyms, the
term 'Lapp' has many other meanings, which refer to e.g. legal status
concerning water and land rights (Pääkkönen 59).
The Aanaar and Skolt Sámi: Minor Identities Within the Sámi
minority
As stated previously, The Sámi people are divided into different groups.
The traditional identity of this people has largely been defined by the
group to which they belong. The Finnish Sámi have led fairly different
lives depending on whether they were born North Sámi, Aanaar Sámi or Skolt
Sámi.
The Aanaar Sámi
The Aanaar Sámi, the Sámi who have traditionally lived around Lake Inari,
are a very distinctive Sámi group, and perhaps the least well known.
(Morottaja). They are one of the smallest minorities still surviving among
the Sámi. They number around 900, but those who speak the Aanaar language
as their mother tongue number only around 350 (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset
64). In the Sámediggi elections of 2003, those who were entitled to vote
and spoke Aanaar Sámi as their first language included 269 individuals
(Morottaja).
The Aanaar Sámi have the most original form of Sámi culture in Finland,
and they are among the few Sámi who live within the borders of one single
country (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 64). Cultural differences between the
Aanaar and other Sámi are remarkable, which is partly because the Aanaar
have been fishermen who until the 20th century have lived in rather
secluded surroundings, scattered around Lake Inari. Reindeer, agriculture
and other means of livelihood have also been part of the Aanaar reality,
but only as minor occupations (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 64). The most
important characteristics of group identity for the Aanaar Sámi are
language, living area, family and clothing (Morottaja).
In comparison to other Sámi, The Aanaar Sámi have often been seen as a
humble people. Writers in many historical sources have often found it
bewildering how little the Aanaar Sámi were satisfied with materially in
the harsh northern conditions they were living in. Their amenable nature
has made them very adaptable, and the most willing Sámi group to give up
their old religion and assume Christianity instead. The vulnerability of
their identity has led to the disappearance of their traditions perhaps
faster than other Sámi's (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 64). The Aanaar Sámi's
history is one of assimilation, adaption and fending (Morottaja).
The Aanaar Sámi have had to deal with many kinds of pressure. Some
North Sámi have been living fairly close by for a long time, and their
number in the area increased significantly towards the end of the 19th
century. At the same time, more Finnish settlers came to the area and
gradually outnumbered the Aanaar Sámi.
The Aanaar Sámi have also been influenced by the Skolt Sámi, who
were settled in after the wars. These three groups of people (the North
and Skolt Sámi and the Finnish settlers) all brought about changes
in the livelihood and culture of the Aanaar. The necessity to adjust is
partly the reason why particularly in the 20th century the Aanaar Sámi
identity has been rather exposed, with no clear symbols in which to anchor
itself. Extensive reindeer keeping and the yoik have often been considered
essential Sámi symbols, but these features are unknown to the Aanaar,
whose old yoik tradition has long since been forgotten due to their early
Christianisation (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 64). 3
The Aanaar Sámi's group identity has had its base in the unity of
families and relatives. Compared to other Sámi, the problem has been found
in the fact that the Aanaar do not have a central village. This is an old
feature of the Aanaar way of life: they have not had winter villages
shared by a number of families, but have dwelled in their own areas all
year round (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 65). Preserving the Aanaar language is
one of the most essential factors for the identity of the Aanaar Sámi.
Improvements to the Aanaar language have been made particularly since the
1980s by promoting its use at school, on the Sámi radio, in the
kindergartens and at the University of Oulu. However, the main challenge
remains the same as with any other Sámi promotional activities: the small
number of people to do the job (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 65).
The Skolt Sámi
The Skolt Sámi, the other Finnish Sámi minority, have almost in their
entirety had to leave their original home district. The skolts, in the
North Sámi language nuortalas, 'the easterlings', originally lived
in the Kola Peninsula until some of them became a part of Finland in The
Treaty of Tartu in 1920, which separated the Skolts from their relatives
on the other side of the border. After the Continuation War the Skolts of
the Petsamo area in eastern Lapland were moved to the surroundings of Lake
Inari (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 66). Now a third of the Skolt Sámi live
outside their own and the Sapmi area in various locations in Finland,
Sweden and Norway (Suomen).
The changes to the Skolt Sámi's lives have not been caused only by wars
and border shiftments. The skolt village in the Näätämö area has vanished
as almost all the inhabitants have assimilated into the Norwegian or
Finnish societies. There have been changes in livelihood, such as moving
from deer hunting to semi-nomadism, recruitment into the Russian army, and
more Finnish settlers moving further north in order to participate in the
post-war reconstruction. Despite laws and measures established to promote
the Skolt's rights, their unemployment rate has been high, and many of
them have moved away from Sapmi due to the growing difficulties in making
a living through their traditional occupations, such as reindeer keeping
(V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 66).
Veli-Pekka Lehtola states that the Skolt Sámi culture is very
distinctive compared to that of both Finns and other Sámi. It has taken on
influence from the Orthodox Church and Carelian-Russian culture.
Characteristics deviating from the other Sámi are e.g. folk dances and
costumes resembling the Carelian ones. The Skolts know a rare variety of
yoik called leudd, a long, epic poem (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 67).
Ilpo Saastamoinen describes leudd as an abundantly worded,
improvised epic narration with two verse lines or melodic themes of
varying length, often in a minor scale (Saastamoinen 85). Some traditions
relating to their common decision-making are also still alive.
However, the Skolt culture's differences from the other Sámi and Finns
have also had a negative impact. Outside the Skolt area young people in
particular have suffered from old attitudes. A skolt told an interviewer
that 'if we put on our Skolt clothing, we are like gipsys or Russians',
and stated that it was not just Finns, but other Sámi as well, who called
them by those names (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 67).
Nevertheless, the changing attitudes show in the lives of the Skolt.
According to Sinikka Semenoja, a Skolt translator and a Sámi herself, the
Skolt language has gained an official status in the Sapmi area, literature
in Skolt has been published, and contacting the Sámi of the Russian Kola
region is now possible. Semenoja says that what is interesting is that
youngsters and children see their Skolt background as a natural feature of
their identity: they want to e.g. study their language and wear the
traditional clothing (in V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 67).
These are the main characteristics of the old Sámi traditions in
Finland, still alive and cultivated by the people. However, the question
arises as to how much these old traditions and the traditional Sámi
identity matter to the modern city Sámis living far away from the Sapmi
area among the Finnish majority? How have the integration policies of
earlier decades impacted the Sámi identity?
The Sámi Identity From Early Times to the Modern City Sámis
Being Sámi is often seen by the Finns as reindeer nomadism, yoik,
costumes, traditional handicraft and shamanism. As looking at the Aanaar
and Skolt minorities shows, this actually is always not the case. In
addition, living in the pressure of the dominant culture has had an impact
on the Sámi identity and way of life in general. The way in which this
nature-loving indigenous people see themselves and the world has gone
through many changes; sometimes they have accepted them, but at other times
they have resisted them and tried to preserve their old ways of life.
Early and Wartime Sámi Identity and Attitudes
The life of the Sámi has been marked by frequent contact with the majority
for many centuries. At first, this was due to Finnish settlers who moved
gradually further north in search of tax-free land, pushing the Sámi
before them. However, Sámi rights to land were recognised as early as the
16th century, when the Swedish King Gustaf I decreed a border which would
divide the Finnish settlement areas and the Sámi lands, and forbid
settlers from crossing the border (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 31). This
proved to be a temporary arrangement, as according to adjunct professor Kaisa
Korpijaakko of the University of Lapland, who has studied the legal
history of the Sámi people, these rights were maintained until
somewhere around 1750s (in V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 30). After that, the
Finns and the Sámi started to assimilate in many areas, while the Sámi
gradually integrated into the larger Finnish population, assuming their
language and way of life. Being Sámi was sometimes even seen as something
to be ashamed of. Sámi parents often spoke Finnish to their children, too,
so that they would have the best possible chances to succeed in this new
social environment (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 32).
Another phenomenon which increased the assimilation was the Second
World War. After the war, northern Lapland was largely destroyed, which
brought in many Finns to re-build the area. With them came much Finnish
influence on buildings, clothing, artefacts and other goods. Villages of
only Finnish-speaking inhabitants were born, and many officials and
services had now proper access in some areas for the first time as the
result of new and better roads. This caused the Sámi pressure to acquire
Finnish in order to gain the best possible benefits of these services and
in order to be able to deal with the authorities without
misunderstandings. When it comes to the livelihood, agriculture had its
breakthrough at many places during this time, and brought major changes to
the lives of many Sámi (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 52).
Assimilation into the majority was continued by the state integration
policy. Veli-Pekka Lehtola considers the new boarding school system the
greatest impact on Sámi life. A new education law brought an end to the
previous system, in which Sámi-speaking teachers had circulated among the
children living in the wilderness, and obliged the parents to send their
children to schools in the more densely populated areas. Collecting the
children to these large, Finnish-speaking schools and residences often
estranged Sámi children from their backgound and culture (V. Lehtola,
Saamelaiset 53).
Nevertheless, despite negative changes the war-time also had positive
impacts for the Sámi. Due to the international development in human rights
and the rights of small minorities, the general attitudes towards the Sámi
changed. They started to activate themselves too, which was seen e.g. in a
Sámi delegation visiting Helsinki after the war with their proposal to
improve Sámi circumstances, and in a Sámi committee which in its
memorandum of 1952 proposed state measures to be taken for the benefit of
the Sámi (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 53).
Modern Sámi Identity
The Sámi identity today is as complex as ever. During the present
globalization era not only minorities within nations, but whole nations
are subject to an increasing amount of influence from all over the world.
The Sámi communities of Oslo, Stockholm and Helsinki are jokingly called
"the biggest Sámi villages in the Nordic Countries". In Helsinki, the Sámi
number around 500. Veli-Pekka Lehtola remarks that these days a 'real
Sámi' can be urban, work as an IT professional or aim to be an astronomer.
Being an urban Sámi is a good example of the change in Sámi identity
that the new era has brought. This is a cause of confusion both to the
Sámi and other people, as the Sámi are still often seen as nomadic
reindeer keepers in the far North (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 86). This view
is illustrated in a study by Sámi researcher Tuula-Maija Magga-Hetta, who
interviewed young Sámi living in the Vuotso village in Sapmi. According to
Magga-Hetta, male reindeer keepers saw being Sámi as geographically
oriented, attached to North and reindeer-keeping. Females, on the other
hand, found the Sámi identity existing regardless of dwelling area and saw
the Sámi culture as a potential means to express their lives and thoughts
(Magga-Hetta 66).
Perhaps the variety of different Sámi ways of life is one of the
reasons why the question of identity and ethnicity became increasingly
important in the discussion concerning the Sámi during the 1990s: what
does it actually mean to be Sámi? With some 30% of the Sámi living outside
the Sapmi area, the criterium clearly has to be different from the one
which largely had to do with things like livelihood. The rather lively
activities organised in the cities imply that living in the city does not
necessarily diffuse the Sámi identity. There are organisations for the
city Sámis like Mii and City Sámit in Rovaniemi and
Helsinki, through which city Sámi can keep in touch with other Sámi and
their culture (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 86).
The attitudes and willingness of the city Sámi to see themselves as
belonging to the Sámi minority or taking part in Sámi activities vary,
though. Research on city Sámi has revealed these Sámi affirming a clear
Sámi identity and a pride in being Sámi, but also reverse tendencies: some
people considered to be Sámi by the Sámi have not seen themselves as
members of this minority, and have not been pleased to be contacted by
Sámi organisations. Then again, individuals fulfilling the language
criterium and considering themselves to be Sámi have defined being Sámi on
a general level using criteria which they themselves do not fulfill. In
addition, some city Sámi have felt that the Sámi in the Sapmi area do not
consider them as 'real' Sámi as the Sámi who live in the far north
(Lindgren 49), which is in concurrence with the views of the
reindeer-keeping Sámi in Magga-Hetta's research.
According to Veli-Pekka Lehtola, the Sámi stand in this matter is that
although defining who is Sámi is difficult, it is not arbitrary. Being
Sámi is not just about outward criteria like language or living in the
Sapmi area, but rather about a more profound cultural connection, about
belonging to a specific tradition, family, language, and a whole cultural
complex spread over time and space (V. Lehtola, Saamelaiset 87).
The Future of the Sámi People?
The Sámi and the Finns have shared the area of modern Finland for
centuries, and both have influenced each other's lives in different ways.
The Finns have gradually outnumbered the Sámi in many areas even in the
far north, thus influencing the Sámi to assume the Finnish majority's
identity and way of life. However, the Sámi culture with its exotic
features, such as the yoik and the reindeer, is an essential part of
the image of Lapland and the general image of Finland. The Finnish
people's attitudes toward the Sámi are diverse, and so are the Sámi
people's toward their own identity and culture.
In the course of their history, the Sámi have in many places considered
voluntary assimilation the best way of coping with the Finnish majority.
Nonetheless their culture is still alive, and many Sámi find their
identity as a natural one, even mundane. Along with the Finns' and the
Sámi's increased awareness of minority rights, the shame that the post-war
Sámi schoolboys and girls felt has given way to ethnic pride. The
activeness of the Sámi community in recent years has shown that this
minority has maintained its vitality.
The Sámi minority remains, however, a small one. In the modern era of
globalization, cultural identities often gain a new kind of significance
in the eyes of their bearers, but there is also a reversed tendency. Due
to more highly developed information technology, the Sámi are now facing a
new kind of potential of becoming culturally mixed. The near future will
determine whether minor Sámi languages, such as the Aanaar and Skolt Sámi
in Finland, will continue to have native speakers, and whether the old
Sámi traditions will be passed on in the form they used to be.
Notes:
- Sápmi is used for the traditional dwelling area of the
Sámi people.
- There are a number of Sámi languages spoken in the Nordic
Coutries and Russia. Whether they are separate languages or dialects of
the same
language, can be seen as debatable.
- Yoik is a traditional Sámi form of singing that has
a spiritual nature and roots in paganism. The yoik styles vary
according to the region.
Works Cited:
-
Anarâs kielâ servi. Saamelaismuseo ja Ylä-Lapin luontokeskus
Siida. 16 January 2008
- Helander, Elina, and Kaarina Kailo, eds. Ei
alkua ei loppua: saamelaisten puheenvuoro. Helsinki: Like, 1999
- Joronen, Mikko, and Annamari Salonen. Rasismi ja etninen
syrjintä: ajatuksia ja tekoja. Rasismi ja etninen syrjintä
Suomessa 2005.
Eds. Annamari Salonen, and Susan Villa. Helsinki: Ihmisoikeusliitto ry,
2006
- Lehtola, Teuvo. Saamelainen perintö. Jyväskylä:
Kustannus-Puntsi, 2001
- Lehtola, Veli-Pekka. Saamelaiset: Historia, yhteiskunta,
taide. Jyväskylä: Kustannus-Puntsi, 1997
- - - -. The Sámi People: Traditions in Transition.
Trans. Linna Weber Müller-Wille. Inari: Kustannus-Puntsi, 2002
- Lindgren, Anna-Riitta. Helsingin saamelaiset ja oma kieli.
Helsinki: Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, 2000
- Magga-Hetta, Tuula-Maija. Se on jossaki tuolla syvällä:
Saamelaisnuoret modernin ja perinteen leikkauspisteessä.
Kamppailuja jäsenyyksistä: Etnisyys, kulttuuri ja kansalaisuus nuorten
arjessa. Ed. Päivi Harinen. Helsinki: Nuorisotutkimusverkosto, 2003
- Morottaja, Matti.
Inarinsaamelaiset. Saamelaismuseo ja Ylä-Lapin
luontokeskus Siida. Last modified 21 September 2006
- Nickul, Karl. Saamelaiset kansana ja kansalaisina.
Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1970
- Pentikäinen, Juha. Saamelaiset: pohjoisen kansan mytologia.
Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1995
- Piippola, Irene.
Saamelaiskirjallisuus Suomessa. Kaltio. Viewed 11 November 2009
- Pääkkönen, Erkki. Kun etnisyys kohtaa paikallisuuden:
"Lappalaisuus" saamelaisuuden paikallisperustaisena
vastamobilisaationa. Sellainen seutu ja sellainen maa: Erot,
vastarinta ja uuden politiikan
vaatimus Lapissa. Eds. Aini Linjakumpu, and Leena Suopajärvi.
Rovaniemi: Lapin yliopisto, 2003
-
Saamelaiset. Sosiaali- ja terveysministeriö. Last modified 7 August
2001
- Saamen kielet. Kotimaisten
kielten tutkimuskeskus. Last modified 22 December 2007
- Saastamoinen, Ilpo. Itäsaamelaisten musiikkiperinteestä.
Beaivvi mánát: Saamelaisten juuret ja nykyaika. Helsinki:
Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, 2000
-
The Sámi Parliament. Sámediggi. Last modified 28 April 2008
- Scheinin, Martin. Saamelaisten ihmisoikeudet, kulttuuri ja
maankäyttö. Eds. Martin Scheinin, and Taina Dahlgren. Toteutuvatko
saamelaisten ihmisoikeudet. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press,
2001
-
Suomen kolttasaamelaiset. Saamelaismuseo ja Ylä-Lapin
luontokeskus Siida. Last modified 6 March 2008
- Tuulentie, Seija. Eksoottinen resurssi vai uhka yhtenäisyydelle?
Saamelaisten vähemmistön asema kansallisvaltion haasteena.
Sellainen seutu ja sellainen maa: Erot, vastarinta ja uuden politiikan
vaatimus Lapissa. Eds. Aini Linjakumpu, and Leena Suopajärvi.
Rovaniemi: Lapin yliopisto, 2003
