FAST-FIN-1 Finnish Institutions Research Papers

Women Soldiers of the Red Guards
In the 1918 Finnish Civil War
Laura Liimatainen, Spring 2009 (GB)
A FAST-FIN-1 (TRENAK1) Finnish Institutions Research Paper
FAST Area Studies Program
Department of Translation Studies, University of Tampere

The industrial revolution that started in Finland in the 1860s was not only a revolution of machines, but also a revolution of women. The industrial revolution, the factory work and the urbanisation that came with it brought poor women of the countryside to towns and cities to work in factories or as maids of the middle class. It was for many Finnish women their first chance to be independent, to earn their own money and to use it as they pleased.

Soon after Finland gained independence on 6 December 1917, it went through a bloody civil war between the Whites, who were mostly conservatives, and the Reds, who were mostly Social Democrats and communist-minded working class. In the civil war that was fought between January and May 1918, the about 2,000 women also took to guns on the side of the Reds. Women Guards were founded in eleven cities, towns and villages in Finland during February and March of 1918.

This paper examines and compares the experiences of two of the Red Women Guard units: the Tampere Guards, who were from one of the most industrialised cities in Finland at that time, and the Maaria Guards, from a rural area just outside the borders of the city of Turku. Who were these women who decided to fight alongside the men? Why did they join the women guards? What happened to them after the war? What was the public opinion towards the women soldiers?

The Parties of the War

Between 1890 and 1920 Finland, which had been an autonomous province of Russia until 1917, went through a period of change and disorder. A nationalistic movement that promoted Finland's independence from Russia gained ground all over Finland; it was no longer acceptable to be an autonomous province of Russia. After the 1917 Bolshevik revolution in Saint Petersburg overthrew Tsar Nicholas II, Finland declared itself independent on 4 December 1917. The motion was passed by the Finnish Parliament on 6 December 1917 (Ahtiainen et al. 78).

Shortly after becoming independent the Finnish people were torn in two during the struggle for power between ideas and people. This struggle led to a civil war in January of 1918. Finnish society in the 1910's was very much a class society (Haapala, Ahtiainen et al. 80). The poor part of the Finnish people felt that Socialism and a socialist state would be the solution to their problems. Meanwhile, the wealthier part of the people wanted to establish a sustainable democracy for the sovereign state that Finland had just become (Ahtiainen et al. 91). The war was fought between the troops of the legal Finnish government, hereafter referred to as the Whites, and the Social Democrats and communist-minded people, hereafter referred to as the Reds, who tried to take over in Finland in January of 1918.

The Whites mainly consisted of the conservative, wealthier part of the people; Whites owned land and property, they were educated businessmen who had employees. Teachers, landowners, soldiers and factory owners were also Whites. The poor and poorly educated part of the people supported the Reds, who were fighting for their own ideal of freedom, brotherhood and equality that differed from the view of the Whites. Factory workers, crofters, maids and hired men were Reds. There were also some Russian soldiers fighting on the side of the Reds during the civil war. Finland was an autonomous part of Russia until it declared its independence on 6 December 1917, and during the autonomy Finland did not have an army of its own, since Russia had been responsible for the defence of all its provinces. Even though all the Russian soldiers were supposed to leave Finland right after it declared independence from Russia, some soldiers were still in Finland during the time of the civil war and they decided to fight on the side of the Reds (Ahtiainen et al. 90-92).

Right from the beginning of the war, the differences between the Whites and the Reds were visible and substantial. Many of the White leaders and also soldiers had gained experience from the Russian military before the Independence, whereas few of the Reds had ever even held a gun. The wealthy Whites had guns and clothing; the Reds did not always even have proper shoes. The new communist order in Russia, soon to be the Soviet Union, supported the ambitions of the Reds, but because the Russians were also struggling in their own civil war, their help to the Reds was insufficient. The Whites, on the other hand, got support from Germany and Sweden (Ahtiainen et al. 93-94). The Swedish Military was not officially involved in the war, but the Whites were supported by Swedish soldiers who came to fight in Finland as volunteers. Germany supported Finland by training Finnish soldiers in their military even before Finland gained independence. By doing this, Germany wanted to ensure that after becoming independent from Russia Finland would become an ally of Germany. Germany also sent their own soldiers to fight on the White side (Ahtiainen et al. 82).

What Happened During the War?

The Finnish civil war began on the night between the 27th and 28th of January, 1918, when the Reds took over Helsinki. At the same time, the Whites in Ostrobothnia began the disarmament of the Russian soldiers who were still in Finland from the time of the autonomy. The Finnish Senate fled from Helsinki to the city of Vaasa, in Ostrobothnia, and acted from there until the end of the war in May, 1918 (Miettunen, Ahtiainen et al. 90).

From January to mid-March the Reds were the more aggressive party of the war. Their forces controlled Southern Finland, the area below the cities of Pori on the Western coast, Tampere in South-western Finland and Viborg in South-eastern Finland. Even though the majority of Finland was in the hands of the Whites, the Reds controlled the most important parts of the country: the largest cities and many important railways (Haapala).

When in battle, the Reds soon noticed their soldiers' lack of military training. The red soldiers were poorly trained: most of the soldiers had had only a day of training before going to the front. The lack of training was the Red Guards' biggest problem. Another problem of the Reds was that they could not keep their troops in control: individual soldiers and even whole platoons fled from the front, and some soldiers illegally executed white prisoners of war and even non-combatants who supported the Whites. The Whites remembered this "red terror" after they won the war, and partially because of it, the treatment of Red soldiers and the supporters of the Reds was in some places inhumane and cruel, as the treatment of the Whites by the Reds had also been (Nurmio).

The course of the war started to turn in March, and by mid-March the Whites were the controlling party. The conquest of Tampere during the early days of April was the crucial point of the war. When the Whites got Tampere under their control, the Reds had in practice lost the war. The Reds surrendered on 15 May, when nearly all of their leaders had fled to Saint Petersburg and the Whites had clearly won the war. The Reds were captured and put in prison camps to wait for their punishment.

The Idea of Women Guards Emerges

The Red women guards were founded in eleven towns and villages during February and March, when the situation of the Reds had started to degenerate and they needed every person available to fight. The first cities to see women in trousers with rifles on their shoulders were the two largest cities of Finland at that time: Helsinki, the capital, and Viborg, near the eastern border. Before the end of March nine other towns and villages had their own women guards; these towns included the rapidly-growing Tampere, the heart of industrialisation in Central Finland, and Maaria, a rural area near Turku, the former capital on the western coast. The Red Women Guards of Finland consisted of roughly 2,000 women soldiers (Lähteenmäki 81, Hakala 78).

The founding of the women guards was not easy, since public opinion was against the idea of women soldiers. The Social Democratic Union of Women in Finland had discussed the matter of women taking up arms during the General Strike of 1905 and was initially against the idea of women fighting on the front (Lähteenmäki 80, Hakala 31). However, the Union's opinion became a little more tolerant in the autumn of 1917 when some of its members who had strongly opposed the idea of women soldiers left the Union. Even though the Union's opinion towards the Women Guards had become a little more tolerant, the Union did not encourage women to join the Guards. Instead of joining the Guards, the Union recommended the working class women to join workers' associations and other organizations for the working class people (Hakala 31, Lähteenmäki 77-78).

The leaders of the Red Guards on the national level also did not like the idea of women fighting (Hoppu 61). The Main Council of Finnish Workers banned the creation of women guards totally at first, but they eventually reached a compromise with the People's Delegation, which was in charge of military activity of the Reds. The decision was that the women guards already in action could continue, but no new women guards were to be founded. The attitudes towards the women guards and women fighting in general varied a lot among the Red leaders, because the idea of women fighting and being politically active was something new and peculiar to the people of the era (Hakala 36-37).

Not all politically active women who supported the socialist ideology became soldiers; they had other ways of contributing to the revolution: they could be cooks and nurses, usually through the Red Cross organisation. Most of the women in Tampere who worked for the Guards as nurses through the Red Cross had started working before the beginning of the war, whereas the Women Guards were founded as late as March (Klemettilä 234).

The White women of Ostrobothnia and Oulu, a city in Northern Finland, also wanted to found their own women guards, but the Whites did not tolerate this at all. The White, conservative ideology was much more against the idea of women soldiers than the socialist ideology of the Reds, as one of the main ideas of socialism was equality. The Whites based their arguments against women soldiers on the natural differences between men and women; it was a woman's duty to stay at home, just as it was a man's duty to go and fight. The Whites saw women soldiers as something condemnable and wrong, since it was not their place, not their duty. This was why there were never White women soldiers in the Finnish Civil War (Hakala 124-125).

What Kind of Women Joined the Guards?

Like most soldiers in any war, the Red women soldiers were mainly young and unwed. The young age of the soldiers is understandable, because the young women did not have children or families as the older women did (Hakala 63). According to a study conducted in 1995 by Marja Piiroinen-Honkanen, a scholar who has studied the Finnish Women Guards, 97% of the women who were in the Finnish Red women guards were not married (in Hoppu 84). Most women who joined the women guards in Finland were 20-24 years old (Piiroinen-Honkanen in Hakala 63). In the first troop of the Tampere women guards, which was founded in 11 March 1918, the average age of the soldiers was 22.1 years, in line with the national average age. The youngest five girls who joined the Guards were only fifteen years old, but there were also about twenty women who were in their thirties (Hoppu 83). In the Maaria women guards the situation was a little different: under-twenty-year-olds made up half of the whole troop (Hakala 63).

Marja Piiroinen-Honkanen claims in her study that 46% of all the women who fought in Finland were servants (in Hoppu 87-88, in Hakala 58) and 35% worked in factories (in Hakala 58). This might have been the case in Finland all in all, but these results differ significantly from the results of Tuomas Hoppu's research on the Tampere women Guards and Anu Hakala's research on the Maaria women Guards. Both Tampere and Turku, the large city near Maaria, were cities where factories were very important employers for the working class. In Maaria, over half of the women worked in factories (Hakala 58) and in Tampere the percentage was 74.8% (Hoppu 87). Even though women soldiers from other cities were usually servants, the ones from Tampere and Maaria were mostly factory workers, because of the industrialisation of these two cities.

Why Did Women Join the Guards?

Finnish women took their example of the women guards from the Russian women who fought in the Bolshevik Revolution (Hoppu 69), but the women's own enthusiasm to fight alongside the men was the main reason for the founding of the women guards (Hoppu 73, Hakala 77). Men taught the women guards how to use weapons and how to act properly as soldiers (Hoppu 69), but they did not force the women to join the guards. This can be seen also from the Red leaders' negative attitudes towards the women guards (Hoppu 61).

Despite the leaders' negative attitudes towards women soldiers, one main reason for the women to join was their own enthusiasm. The women might have gotten the example for the enthusiasm from their families; many of those who joined the Guards had other members of their families actively participating in the actions of the Red Guards, both in Maaria (Hakala 69) and in Tampere (Hoppu 73-74). It was an important example to have a brother, a father or maybe a future husband in the Guards (Hoppu 73, Hakala 71). Families did not always encourage women to join the Guards. At least in one case in Tampere and another in Maaria a woman had joined the Guards even though her parents or other family members had objected to the idea (Hoppu 75-76, Hakala 71).

Worker's unions and local trade unions of the factories did not force women to take up arms (Hoppu 29) even though nationwide 85% of the Red women soldiers were also members of the workers' unions (Hakala 58). Women gained knowledge of socialist ideology through their participation in workers' union and other organisations, but it was usual for women not to be involved in the actual organisation, but "only" in some of its sub-branches, like reading or knitting circles, or the union's theatre group. It was also a lot easier to join one of these sub-branches than the actual organisation, which was dominated by men (Hakala 56-57).

After the war, when the White troops interrogated the women who belonged to the Maaria Guards, many women said the lack of money and food was the reason why they had joined the Guards (Hakala 97). In Tampere, this was not the case in early March. Though the money might have been a good bonus when joining the Guards, as the women were promised a salary of ten Finnish Marks per day, it probably was not the only reason. Money clearly was not the reason to join for the women who left their jobs at the factories to be able to participate in the Guards (Hoppu 76). However, the situation in Tampere had changed a lot during March, and so, the women who joined in late-March were probably in need of money and food. All the factories in Tampere, except for one, were closed on 20 March 1918, and that left a lot of people without jobs. In late-March, when the city was surrounded by White troops, money must have been a more important reason to join the Guards, for men as well as for women (Hoppu 78).

Documents also show that the Tampere Women Guards did not get their ten Finnish Marks per day, as was promised, but only five Marks from the whole stay, nearly a month, in the Guards. Despite this, women did not leave the Guards, so the salary clearly was not their only motive to join (Hoppu 95-96). When the women soldiers told their motives in the interrogations of the Whites after the war, they mentioned, for example, joining the Guards as a volunteer (Hakala 107, Hoppu 82) and following the example of others, such as family members or friends (Hakala 114, Hoppu 75).

On and Behind the Front

Usually the women soldiers were more thoroughly trained than the male soldiers before being sent to the front (Piiroinen-Honkanen in Hakala 81). The reason for this might have been that the Red male soldiers and leaders believed that fighting was a man's job and therefore women needed more training for that. The Red men also might have felt that they did not want to be responsible for the deaths of the women caused by the lack of training. In the Tampere Guards the women soldiers practised gun handling and shooting for two weeks (Hoppu 67), whereas the men only received a one day of training. The training was led by the commander of the third platoon of the Red Guards of Tampere, a bricklayer turned soldier, Kalle Halme (Hoppu 67). Later on also women, who were chosen by the other women served as commanders of the company. The thorough training implies that the women guards were created for actual fighting in the front, not only for surveillance and home safety-missions (Hoppu 92-93).

However, the claim that women were more thoroughly trained than men does not apply when looking at the Maaria women Guards. The women of Maaria, like the men of Maaria, trained only for a few days before heading for the front, not for a few weeks like in Tampere (Hakala 81, Hoppu 92).

Both units of Women Guards fought in the civil war; the Maaria Guards travelled from Maaria to fight on the Northern Front (Hakala 82), approximately 50 kilometres north of Tampere, and the Tampere Guards fought during the conquest of Tampere between 15 March and 6 April 1918 (Hoppu 98, 156; Kurkinen). The battle of Tampere was a crucial point in the war; when the Reds lost control of Tampere, in practice they had lost the war, even though the fighting still continued in some places until mid-May.

Facing the Consequences

After they had lost in Tampere and Viborg and the Red leaders has escaped to Saint Petersburg, the Reds surrendered on 15 May 1918. They were assembled in prison camps to wait for the Whites' decision: what would happen to the prisoners?

The Tampere women soldiers who were imprisoned were placed in the prison camps of Tampere and Hämeenlinna, a town south of Tampere which held one of the biggest prison camps during and after the Civil War. The conditions in the prison camps were harsh; there was a constant struggle for food and space. The former Russian army barracks in Tampere had housed about 1,000 soldiers during the time of autonomy when Russia took care of Finland's defense, but after the civil war the barracks were turned into a prison camp of nearly 10,000 Red prisoners.

All the Reds in prison camps were brought to trial and convicted. The Courts were not always objective, because they did not consist of law professionals, as it should have been, but mostly of laypersons, many of whom might have fought in the war on the White side or might have had a personal history with the accused (Tikka 294, Hakala 131). The Courts of Justice had much to do during the spring and summer of 1918, so it was not possible to get enough professionals to work in every village that had a Court (Hakala 131). The Courts also had to work very quickly: they did not have time to investigate and examine the cases as thoroughly as in other, less chaotic, times (Hoppu 211). Because of the lack of time and professionals in the Courts, the convictions varied a lot between different courts and places (Hakala 131).

Generally women's convictions were less hard than men's (Klemettilä 236). Of all the women who worked in the Guards in Tampere and were convicted, including nurses and cooks, 4% got unconditional penal servitude, whereas the percentage for men was 13% (Klemettilä 236). One reason that made the women's punishment less severe is the fact that most women who worked for the Guards were not in fact soldiers but were actually in the service troops (Hakala 132).

Of all the soldiers and civilians executed by the whites, 4.3% or 364 were women (Paavolainen 200). The women who were executed in Tampere or died there in battle were mostly 15-19 years old (Klemettilä 236). In Maaria, the executed women were also under twenty years old, with the exception of one woman (Hakala 130). It was common in all of Finland that younger soldiers, both women and men, got punished more often and more severely than older soldiers (Klemettilä 235). It was probably easier to punish younger soldiers who did not have families or other responsibilities, as many of the older people did. The punishment varied between execution, unconditional penal service and conditional discharge.

In Tampere, only a bit under 50% of the women who were in the Guards were imprisoned and later convicted. This shows that despite all the anger the Civil War had caused, the White-minded people of Tampere did not want to inform the Whites of their former neighbours and employees who had been in the Red Guards. If a woman who was known to lead a normal and proper life was in the Guards for only a few days, it was not considered serious (Hoppu 197). It must be emphasized that this happened in Tampere to the women who were in the Tampere Guards, because the people who were convicting them could have known them for many years before the war. It is also possible that White sympathisers who were not soldiers felt that the Reds were punished much more severely than needed (Paavolainen 378), and so they did not want to inform on Red soldiers they knew to the Whites (Hoppu 197). It probably saved many lives of the Tampere women soldiers that they only fought in their home town where people knew them and their backgrounds (Hoppu 197).

Conversely, as the Maaria women guards had fought away from home, most of the women got their sentences in Hämeenlinna. There were about 60 women in the Maaria Guards, and 11 of them died during the war. Of the women, 26 were convicted, with 13 of these getting unconditional penal service and the other 13 a conditional discharge (Hakala 131-132). Several Maaria women soldiers died in Lahti, but it is impossible to say whether they were killed in battle or were executed by the White troops or the German soldiers that supported the Whites (Hakala 86-91). It was easier to execute soldiers who were not from one's own community. The situation of the Maaria women soldiers would probably have been much better, and their punishment less severe, if they had been captured in Maaria or even somewhere near home, as had been the case with the Red Guard women in Tampere.

Propaganda on Both Sides

The Reds liked to depict their women soldiers as the heroines of the revolution to keep up their troops' morale. The tales of the Maaria women guards fighting in Karkku give an example of this, as showed by this extract from a text written by Paavo Rautaruusu, a red soldier who also fought there:

"In these battles I saw women fighting for the first time and I had to marvel at the women's fanatic contempt for death. In this battle in Karkku they really gave their all against the white butchers; the women fought until the last cartridge." (in Hakala 87)

The legend of the Onkiniemi battle in Tampere tells that women soldiers of Tampere, Maaria and Pispala (then a neighbouring municipality of Tampere) Guards fought off an attempt by White troops to enter the city across the iced lake Näsijärvi near the neighbourhood of Onkiniemi. No matter how good the legend sounds, however, it has been proved to have been invented by socialist-minded writers after the war. The women guards in question were elsewhere at the time of the alleged battle, and there is no mention of the battle itself in the White literature or the memoirs of the White soldiers who took part in the conquest of Tampere (Hoppu 105-107). As said, the Reds liked to emphasise the women soldiers' courage even with lies, as this example shows.

While the Reds depicted the woman as their bravest soldiers, the White side saw them as "savage she-beasts" (Hoppu 181). The newspaper Keskisuomalainen published an article by Ilmari Kianto, a famous Finnish author, that discussed the problem of punishing the Reds. The writing may not reflect the ideas of all the White side, but it still tells something of their attitude towards the Red women, not only the soldiers but also the red soldiers' wives, mothers and daughters who never took up arms (Hakala 123). The headline of the piece about how the rebels should be punished was Of the Tactic of Conviction:

"[--] why does the war spare those women who are seen and known to be the most barbarous element of the civil war? Is it only because they are women that the war spares them? [--] When hunting wolves a female wolf is an even better target than a male, because the hunter knows the female wolf will give birth to cubs as evil as their mother and those cubs will always be in opposition. It has been proved that in the Finnish civil war the soldiers of the Red Guards have been beasts, many of their women female wolves, even tigresses. Isn't it madness not to kill the beasts who are harassing us?" (in Hakala 123)

Tales of the wild fighting and behaviour of the Maaria women guards who took part in the battle of Karkku on the Northern Front in April 1918 were told long after the war (Hakala 86). Probably these stories originated partially from the Reds and Whites' different attitude towards the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Church, to which nearly every Finn belonged at the time; the Whites were supported by the clergy, whereas the Reds and the whole communist ideology were against religion. In Karkku the Maaria women Guards camped in the local church: to the Whites this was blasphemy (Hakala 88-89). These kinds of actions that the Whites saw as being offensive were presumably one reason for the wild reputation of the Red women soldiers among the Whites.

Most of the Women Guards Were Simple Factory Girls, Motivated by Socialist Ideology

Even though the reputation of the women soldiers was exaggerated after the war, the soldiers were ordinary women. The women and girls who joined the Guards were mostly young, unwed factory workers in Tampere and Maaria. They probably had a brother or a father in the Guards, and they had been taught the socialist ideology since they were little.

Most of the women joined the Guards because of enthusiasm and ideology, but some came only for the money and food, especially the ones who joined when the military situation of the Reds had critically deteriorated. When the factories were shut down in Tampere and the workers were no longer able to earn salaries, the Guards could have been the women's only chance to get food, since the Guards fed all their soldiers. The soldiers of the women Guards were also promised a salary of 10 Finnish Marks per day, so some women joined the Guards to earn money, as well as food. Desperation as well as enthusiasm drove women to the Guards. Few women soldiers were killed in battle or later executed; most of them continued their lives one day at a time.

The attitudes towards the women soldiers were mostly negative: not even the Communists, whose ideology is based on equality, supported the idea of women fighting. The leaders of the war, both Red and White, felt that the front was not the place for a woman, since it was a man's job to protect the country and the ideology. The Whites succeeded in that, and no women guards were founded on the White side; but the Reds let their women fight, probably because equality was the basis of their ideology: women and men had to be treated the same.


Works Cited

  • Ahtiainen, Marketta, Vuokko Aromaa, Pertti Haapala, Seppo Henttilä and Sirkka Kauppinen. Suomen historian aikakirja: Suomen historian käännekohtia. Helsinki: Edita, 2005.
  • Haapala, Pertti. Luokkasota. Koskesta voimaa - Tampereen historiaa. Tampereen elinkeinokeskus. Viewed 5 May 2009.
  • Hakala, Anu. Housukaartilaiset: Maarian punakaartin naiskomppania Suomen sisällissodassa. Jyväskylä: Gummerus Kirjapaino Oy, 2006. [Quotations translated by Laura Liimatainen]
  • Hoppu, Tuomas. Tampereen naiskaarti: myytit ja todellisuus. Jyväskylä: Ajatus Kirjat, Gummerus Kustannus Oy, 2008.
  • Klemettilä, Aimo. Tampereen punakaarti ja sen jäsenistö. Tampere: Tampereen Yliopisto, 1976.
  • Kurkila, Janne. Tampereen valtausliike 15.3.-16.4.1918. Suomi 80: Itsenäistymisen vuodet 1917-1918. Department of History, University of Tampere, Finland.
  • Lähteenmäki, Maria. Vuosisadan naisliike: Naiset ja sosialidemokratia 1900-luvun Suomessa. Helsinki: Hakapaino Oy, 2000.
  • Miettunen, Katja-Maria. Vallankumous alkaa. Suomi 80: Itsenäistymisen vuodet 1917-1918, Department of History, University of Tampere, Finland. Viewed 26 April 2009.
  • Nurmio, Kirsi. Punaiset hyökkäilevät. Suomi 80: Itsenäistymisen vuodet 1917-1918, Department of History, University of Tampere, Finland. Viewed 26 April 2009
  • Paavolainen, Jaakko. Poliittiset väkivaltaisuudet Suomessa 1918, osa II: Valkoinen terrori. Helsinki: Kustannusosakeyhtiö Tammi, 1967.
  • Tikka, Marko. Kenttäoikeudet: välittömät rankaisutoimet Suomen sisällissodassa 1918. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2004.

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